AR95. 19 June 2006
Copyright © 2006 by Kevin Sharpe and Leslie Van Gelder. All rights reserved.
To appear in a festschrift for Alexander Marshack.

 

Four Forms of Finger Flutings
as Seen in Rouffignac Cave, France

 

by

 

Kevin Sharpe

Graduate College, Union Institute & University, Cincinnati, Ohio
Harris Manchester College, Oxford University

10 Shirelake Close, Oxford OX1 1SN, United Kingdom
ksharpe@ksharpe.com
www.ksharpe.com

 

and

 

Leslie Van Gelder

Walden University, Minneapolis, Minnesota

10 Shirelake Close, Oxford OX1 1SN, United Kingdom
lvangeld@waldenu.edu


ABSTRACT.

Building from Marshack’s method of internal analysis, four forms of finger flutings are isolated and illustrated from Rouffignac Cave, France: Mirian, Evelynian, Rugolean, and Kirian. They are respectively characterized by lower-body movement by the fluter while fluting with more than one finger, lower-body movement and fluting with one finger, standing still and fluting with more than one finger, and standing still and fluting with one finger. Initial thoughts are provided as to where this analysis might lead.

KEY WORDS.

Evelynian Form, finger flutings, Kirian Form, Mirian Form, prehistoric art, Rouffignac Cave, Rugolean Form, severines.

CONTENTS.

Terminology. 7

Rouffignac Cave. 7

Four Forms of Flutings. 9

Mirian Form.. 10

Definition. 10

Further Description. 12

Distribution in Rouffignac Cave. 12

Comments. 12

Evelynian Form.. 13

Definition. 13

Further Description, Distribution in Rouffignac Cave, and Comments. 13

Rugolean Form.. 13

Definition. 13

Further Description. 14

Distribution in Rouffignac Cave. 15

Comments. 15

Kirian Form.. 15

Definition. 15

Further Description. 16

Distribution in Rouffignac Cave. 17

Comments. 17

Discussion. 17

Conclusions. 20

Acknowledgements. 20

References. 21


Prehistoric finger flutings (the lines that human fingers leave when drawn over a soft surface) occur in caves through southern Australia, New Guinea, and southwestern Europe, and were presumably made over a considerable time span including some or all of the Upper Paleolithic. Most are not obvious figures or symbols; flutings of this type, along with similar engravings, are termed ‘severines.’

Lorblanchet (1992: 451) writes about the 120 square meters of flutings that occur in Pech Merle Cave in the Lot Department of France: ‘Almost all the clay walls that are accessible without too much difficulty bare these markings.’ Plassard (1999: 62) mentions 500 square meters of flutings (‘meanders’ as he calls them; they are also known as ‘macaroni’ and ‘serpentines’ (Marshack 1977: 286)) in Rouffignac Cave in the Dordogne, France, whereas he isolates 254 figures (animal, human, and other motifs) in the cave; these cover far less surface area. Leroi-Gourhan (1958: 314) reports that ‘incomplete outlines and bundles of lines…with very few exceptions…exist in every cave.’ Severine flutings form a major component of Paleolithic ‘art.’

Little is written and known about them, however. Clottes and Courtin (1996: 59) write: ‘Barely a quarter of the finger tracings in some seventy European Paleolithic painted caves has been the subject of surveys and precise analyses.’ Almost all writings on them either barely describe them, say that they exist in profusion or are enigmatic, or mention them only in-so-far as they occur in conjunction with or are used to create figures such as mammoths (Barrière 1982: 150) and motifs such as Tectiforms (Barrière 1982: 156; Plassard 1999: 61; for examples of other motifs, see Barrière 1982: 158). ‘Archaeologists have not known what to do with this class of marking or image,’ Marshack (1977: 286, 300) says, though examples have ‘been seen, copied, and published’ for a century.

The reason for this, Marshack continues, ‘is that there has been no theoretical basis for internal analysis or interpretation of form, no technology for its study, and no means for relating these forms to the recognizable animal images with which they are often associated.’ Or, as  Clottes and Courtin (1996: 59) write: ‘This clearly has to do with the indifferent aesthetic appeal of these depictions, with the technical difficulty their study presents, and with the uncertain and often insufficiently gratifying results that the researcher can expect at the conclusion of the task.’

Speculation as to their meaning, therefore, can run unchecked; they are seen, for example, as representing such things as water (Marshack 1977: 314), entopic shapes or phosphenes (Bednarik 1984), huts, comets, or rivers (Leroi-Gourhan 1958: 314), snakes (and thereby associated with death) (Barrière 1982: 88, 195), psycho-neurological archetypes (Gallus 1977), and hunting marks (Barrière 1982: 184). Four of the most well-known experts on prehistoric art fall to over-reaching speculation:

·        Breuil (1952) describes severines carefully, seeing them in part as the first scribbles by humans, though intuitive and random. The fluters probably recognized images in the severines and thus, from them, developed the tradition of simple and crude outline figures. Breuil’s interest lies in the development of a comparative typology and chronology of the styles of the ‘art.’ He speaks of severines as serpentine-meanders and thinks of them as snakes.

·        Using statistics, Leroi-Gourhan (1958) studies the placement and spread of signs and images within a cave and their association with each other. He calls these relationships polar, oppositional, ‘sexual,’ or female-male. He speaks of severines as linear-phallic and thinks of them as male symbols or as unfinished outlines.

·        Marshack (1977: 301) not only suggests that the meaning of severines lies in an association with water, but he also offers an evolutionary sequence of severine forms ‘in which a more formal [form] begins to give a geometric appearance to the linear, carefully drawn [severine] structure.’

·        Bednarik (1986a: 35-36) distinguishes three styles of European flutings: the oldest, what he calls ‘digital fluting,’ comprises ‘complete finger sets (i.e., usually of four digits) running a predominantly rectilinear course’ and which are short (less than half-a-meter long). More recent is the style he calls ‘conventional macaroni.’ Here, ‘serpentine, curvilinear, and conjunctive elements are a characteristic, as is the frequent use of less than four fingers.’ Sets tend to be longer than those of digital flutings, reaching several meters. Sometimes ‘iconic representations are incorporated into the arrangements of macaronis, or are obviously intentionally associated with them.’ The third style in Europe that Bednarik isolates, but which does not occur in Rouffignac, comprises ‘finger paintings produced by the application of a pigment onto a hard surface with fingers of one hand.’ With this three-fold style analysis, Bednarik takes the study of finger flutings a little further, though his parallel investigations into such things as the geomorphology of the media fluted (e.g., Bednarik 1999) has added much more.

·        Lewis-Williams (2002: 215) begins to approach flutings more openly when he writes that they ‘appear without representational images often enough to suggest that they had their own significance.’ However, he holds firm ideas as to this significance; he and Clottes write:

In some instances, it seems as if people were trying to penetrate the surfaces, to reach through the walls; in other instances, people were simply touching and leaving evidence for their actions on the walls. Why did they do this? [For Upper Paleolithic people,] the walls, ceilings, and floors of the caves were…little more than a thin membrane between themselves and the creatures and happenings of the underworld. The caves were awesome, liminal places in which to be: Literally, they took one into the underworld….Perhaps one could say that the caves were the entrails of the underworld….What people believe[d] about the walls influence[d] those who made the images [on the walls] (Clottes and Lewis-Williams 1998: 85-86).

All such speculations need putting aside until proof for any of them can be found; nothing as yet can reasonably arbitrate between them. The chief problem is that investigators bring to their study preconceived, modern western notions as to what is meaningful or ought to be meaningful in this context, and what constitutes a pattern. They impose what they consider is the meaning of the severines and how the various forms of prehistoric ‘art’ relate to each other. Previous investigations try, Marshack writes,

to recognize or interpret images or signs on the basis of what the modern eye sees or on what historic cultures might offer for analogic comparison….to seek for the origins of ‘art’ in the recognizable image, recognizable to us. Because recognizable images such as animals are occasionally found among the [severines], it was assumed that it was out of random marking that representational art was eventually born (Marshack 1977: 287, 300).

Should or can nothing therefore be said about severines? Ucko (1992: 158) states: ‘It is…inconceivable to us today to understand the nature of [severines].’ Often thought of as meaningless, they are now usually considered beyond interpretation. This is too extreme a conclusion.

Rather, it is instructive to say with Lewis-Williams (2002: 215) that severines ‘had their own significance.’ They need to be taken seriously and not dismissed or subordinated to some other form of ‘art.’ In other words, it makes sense at this stage of the study of severines to leave aside the question of meaning; better would be to see what can be said about the marks themselves as they were made. Such investigations, anyway, come logically before subjective-interpretative and meaning-seeking approaches to severines and may help sort out the various suggestions as to meaning or lay a solid foundation for seeking meaning.

Marshack helps develop a way to investigate the severines themselves. He talks of them as intentional systems of markings:

[I proceed] from an assumption that in the Upper Paleolithic the recognizable image was not derived accidentally from random [severine] marking, first because the [severines] are not random but, more important, because the ability to see an image in a random cluster (or a rock or wall formation) requires culture. It is part of a process of description, classification, comparison, and naming. It is a human, cultural activity. In this regard, the ability to initiate and maintain an image system, such as the [severine], requires naming and language….[This] is, of course, [in addition to the] basic cognitive, kinesthetic, non-linguistic component in image-making and recognition (Marshack 1977: 300).

Though he defers to his predecessors, he also pioneers strategies for this type of research. He writes:

I tried to develop techniques and a theoretical basis for the intensive internal analysis of the Upper Paleolithic symbolic materials….My effort was…directed toward…a study of the cognitive processes involved in the formation of an image, a study of the sequence of making an image or a composition or the sequence of accumulating images on a surface….This enquiry was…functional and psychological (Marshack 1977: 287; see also, for example, his 1972; 1975; 1989; 1997).

However, by placing his idea of the development of forms onto the forms themselves, and by expounding water as the meaning of the markings, Marshack retreats from the above grounded analysis and methodology to speculation, and does so without clearly differentiating between the two approaches. The core of his methodology needs adopting and developing, and his speculations as to meaning and the evolution of ‘art’ need putting aside.

This paper continues to develop Marshack’s more objective and experimental approach to the lines (Sharpe 2004; Sharpe and Lacombe 1999; Sharpe, Lacombe, and Fawbert 1998; 2002; Sharpe and Van Gelder 2004), in this instance by differentiating different forms of flutings and illustrating them from Rouffignac Cave. In other words, this work continues the beginning of a remedy for the situation that Clottes and Courtin diagnose and that Marshack meets as a first attempt and, following his leads, used by Bednarik (for example, Aslin, Bednarik, and Bednarik 1985; Bednarik 1984; 1986a; 1986b; 1986c; 1987; 1990; 1994a; 1994b; 1994c; 1997), d’Errico (for example, 1989; 1991; 1992a; 1992b; 1993; 1994; 1995; d’Errico, Henshilwood, and Nilssen 2001), and Lorblanchet (for example, 1984; 1992; 1995; 1999)).

Terminology

The following terminology may help when discussing flutings:

·        As said above, the word fluting refers to a line drawn with a finger.

·        The term severine is suggested for line markings that do not participate in the figurative part of a definitive figure or demonstrable symbol or sign, equivalent to Marshack’s term ‘meander’ but without the restrictive overtones of this word. Thus, the category ‘line markings’ not only comprises flutings and engravings but, coextensively, also severines, figures, and symbols.

·        The phrase graphical unit (or, abbreviated, the word unit) refers to flutings drawn with one sweep of one hand or finger (Marshack 1977). (Previously, this was referred to as a ‘stream’ (for instance, in Sharpe, Lacombe, and Fawbert 2002); the terminology has been changed to avoid possible interpretative inferences.)

·        The word hand (as an alternate to ‘unit’ for finger flutings) refers to the marks sometimes called fingers that the fingers of one hand flute at the same time; so, one can talk of a (left or right) hand of (1, 2, 3, 4, or 5) fingers.

·        The word cluster labels an isolatable group of units that exhibit a unity, for instance because they overlay each other.

·        The word panel refers to a collection of clusters that appears geographically or otherwise distant from other clusters or on a surface of reasonably uniform orienta­tion.

·        The phrase ideational element (or, abbreviated, the word element) refers to flutings that together form a basic element of meaning for the fluters, equivalent to Marshack’s term, ‘iconographic unit’ (Marshack 1977: 300).

The term fluting applies to line markings made with fingers, and the term engraving refers to line markings made with a tool. Within engravings, a difference exist between scratches (animal claw marks), incisions (lines that humans make with flint or other piece of rock), scorings (lines that humans make with a stick), and bone marks (lines that humans make with a bone).

Rouffignac Cave

As mentioned above, this paper will continue in the line of Marshack’s more objective and experimental approach to the lines, by differentiating different forms of flutings and illustrating them from Rouffignac Cave (see Figure 1).

Figure 1. Local geography of Rouffignac (after Barrière 1982: Fig. 1).

Figure 2. Plan of Rouffignac Cave showing the various chambers (after Barrière 1982: Fig. 2; note that J = Barrière’s ‘Henri Breuil Gallery,’ K = ‘Gallery of l’Etron de la Vielle,’ L = ‘Racciurci Gallery,’ and that Chamber G subsumes the ‘Voie Sacrée’ or ‘Via Sacra’).

A brief introduction to the geography of Rouffignac Cave will help identify its chambers mentioned below in reference to particular flutings. To avoid possible inferred interpretations of flutings and figures, the names Barrière (1982) gives for several chambers in Rouffignac Cave are replaced with an extension of his use of letters (see the caption to Figure 2; Chamber A1 is the ‘Chamber of Undulating Flutings’ (Sharpe, Lacombe, and Fawbert 2002) and the ‘Serpentine’ or ‘Macaroni’ Room or Ceiling (Barrière 1982: 88; Plassard 1999: 76)). A tourist train traverses the most commonly visited chambers in Rouffignac Cave: Chamber G down to and including the Great Ceiling, and the first part of Chamber J. Special guests may also see Chamber A1 and the second part of Chamber J. These areas, plus Chamber E (also known as the ‘Leroi Gourhan Gallery’), contain a large portion of the flutings found in Rouffignac, and most of the instances this paper discusses.

Four Forms of Flutings

Marshack distinguishes several styles among the severines of La Pileta Cave:

These include idiosyncratic individual ‘styles’ made in various contemporary traditions….[Some are] meanders and additions made by one, two, or three fingers using a yellow ochre. These are in the early, ‘primitive,’ basic style. Although many of the markings present a double or triple marking, each is a ‘unit.’…The style is clear: there is a basic, ‘central’ meander and then branches or additions are attached or are arranged in proximity. In some panels…the meander is associated with animals: ibex, bull, and ‘rhino’ or bear….A later, more evolved meander usage [also exists] in which a more formal style begins to give a geometric appearance to the linear, carefully drawn [severine] structure…[of a] core meander consisting of doubled lines and additions….[, for example of] attached lateral branches, crossing marks, and linear extensions of the serpentine form (Marshack 1977: 301).

In developing a parallel instrument to Marshack’s suggested set of styles, the term ‘form’ is preferred to ‘style.’ The latter may imply a cultural difference between the fluters of different styles, whereas ‘form’ may relate not only to that possibility, but also to differences caused by differences between the media fluted, the geographies of the places fluted, or the fluting techniques. Four forms of finger flutings are suggested: ‘Mirian,’ ‘Evelynian,’ ‘Rugolean,’ and ‘Kirian’ (words coined from the names of people the authors know but who have nothing to do with fluted sites or this field of study, thus avoiding possible interpretative inferences). These are the four possible manifestations of two variables: whether fluters moved their lower bodies during fluting and whether they used one or more than one fingers to flute. The sections below will further define these forms and describe them as they occur in Rouffignac Cave.

Before embarking on that, though, a more fundamental and theory-oriented question arises. How might one adequately establish the relevance of these four forms of flutings to the study of flutings, say in Rouffignac Cave? To do so perhaps requires:

(a)    describing the four forms and differentiating them one from another;

(b)   pointing to the existence in Rouffignac Cave of lines satisfying the four descriptions;

(c)    raising research questions from the form analysis for investigation; and

(d)   pointing to information about the fluters that the analysis might provide.

The sections below will address this series of points.

Mirian Form

Definition

Two things define a unit of finger flutings as being of the Mirian Form: lower-body movement on the part of the fluter (as opposed to the fluters only moving their upper bodies), and the unit comprising more than one line. ‘Lower-body movement’ means that the people who create these multi-finger units of flutings walk or otherwise move their legs while fluting (thus the lines may extend beyond the arm range of a stationary fluter), or else move their bodies from their hips by, for instance, bending, twisting, or shifting their weight.

The flutings in Chamber A1 of Rouffignac Cave typify the Mirian Form (see Figure 3; see also Figure 4).

Figure 3. Mirian Form flutings in Chamber A1.

Figure 4. Mirian Form flutings in Chamber E.

Further Description

Besides lower-body movement, several attributes of the Mirian lines in Chamber A1 sometimes stand out (Sharpe and Van Gelder 2004):

·        Zigzags or undulations can occur, units that move back and forth from one side to the other down their length.

·        Circles and spirals can occur.

·        Units can extend some distance, up to several meters.

·        Units can lay one over the other, obliterating the underlying ones.

·        Young children made many of the units, though some evidence of adult-sized hands also occurs (Sharpe and Van Gelder 2004).

Distribution in Rouffignac Cave

Chamber A1 contains many Mirian Form flutings (see Figure 3). They also occur in large quantities in Chamber E (on the right of the step-down in the ceiling) (see Figure 4), in Chamber G (between where Chamber J starts and the Great Ceiling), and in the inward half of Chamber J. The fourth of these collections has weathered poorly in comparison with those in Chamber G, though both are made in Moonmilk. The Mirian fluters of Chambers E and A1 marked through a thin clay deposit on the walls and ceilings, exposing the white of the limestone underneath. The markings in Chamber E have not survived as well as those in Chamber A1.

Comments

The word ‘undulating’ could apply to those Mirian lines that undulate; indeed, as mentioned above, other publications call the chamber of Rouffignac Cave that contains the flutings characterizing the Mirian Form the ‘Chamber of Undulating Flutings,’ the ‘Macaroni Room,’ and the ‘Serpentine Room.’ The word ‘serpentine’ (or any version of the word ‘snake’), however, suggests too broad a set of meanings for the flutings (that they represent snakes, literally or metaphorically), though the original namers of the room may not have intended this (see Sharpe, Lacombe, and Fawbert 2002). Further, the term ‘macaroni’ frequently refers to finger flutings in a more general context than the nomenclature ‘Mirian Form’ intends, and to too diverse a set of referents to restrict it to the Mirian Form. Some authors prefer the term ‘meander’ (Plassard 1999: 60), but this suggests that all the flutings are long whereas this is not true of many of those in Chamber A1. This leaves such descriptive words as ‘undulating,’ ‘zigzagged,’ and ‘wavy.’ Flutings in the room in question usually appear between undulating and zigzagged, too sharp in their turns to undulate and too curved to zigzag. Perhaps the term ‘wave’ and its derivatives may be more appropriate.

An important issue, one that other papers address (for instance, Sharpe and Van Gelder 2004), concerns the age of the fluters that the sizes of the flutings suggest. Many of the units occur in three fingers and measuring across them (when held together) provides an indicator of the fluter’s age. Many three-fingered measurements made in Chamber A1 are around 27 millimeters. Contemporary small children, aged around four to seven, flute three lines at about 27 millimeters in width. Contemporary teenage and adult hands produce three-finger flutings of 35-50 millimeters in width. Assuming that this is a valid analysis suggests that young children made most of the Mirian Form flutings in Chamber A1, with an occasional older person involved. The current ceiling height is, however, too high for a child to have marked. Did older people hold up the fluting children?

Evelynian Form

Definition

Two things define a unit of finger flutings as being of the Evelynian Form: lower-body movement on the part of the fluter and the unit comprising only one line. The people who create these one-finger units of flutings walk or otherwise move their legs while fluting, or else move their bodies from their hips.

Further Description, Distribution in Rouffignac Cave, and Comments

Figure 3 shows some Evelynian Form flutings amidst Mirian lines (not the white, much more recent scratches, probably from sticks held up by modern visitors). So far, no concentrations of Evelynian flutings have been found in Rouffignac Cave. However, they do appear in two types of places: among Mirian lines, for example in Chambers A1 and G, and as the outline of several of figures, which are fluted with a single finger and require the movement of the lower body to execute.

Rugolean Form

Definition

Two things define a unit of finger flutings as being of the Rugolean Form: the fluter standing in one spot while fluting the unit, and the unit comprising more than one line. The people who flute in the Rugolean Form stand still, move their upper bodies, and mark with more than one finger at a time. The fluter may move between making units, but stands stationary for each unit.

The units within and to the right of the two facing mammoths in Chamber G of Rouffignac Cave (Mammoths 17 and 18 (the ‘Mammoths of Discovery’; Barrière 1982: 20-21)) typify flutings in the Rugolean Form (see Figure 5; see also Figure 6).

Figure 5. Rugolean Form flutings in Chamber G (the right side of the two facing mammoths (Mammoths 17 and 18 ; Barrière 1982: 20-21)).

Figure 6. Rugolean Form flutings in Chamber J (on the right side of Barrière’s ‘Panel of the Patriarch’ (Barrière 1982: 131, Fig. 387)).

Further Description

Besides the fluter standing still and using multiple fingers, several attributes of the Rugolean lines in Chambers G and J sometimes stand out:

·        They are vertical moving downward, with an occasional diagonal unit also moving downward.

·        A few appear fluted by small (children’s) fingers; however, adults appear to have made most of them.

·        They tend to lie from shoulder to waist height, the reach of a stationary fluter determining any arcs made.

·        They tend to appear on walls, not ceilings.

·        They are rarely multi-layered, not usually lying over top of one another in a jumble.

·        They appear neat, decisive, and methodically executed.

Distribution in Rouffignac Cave

Rugolean lines appear in many chambers of the cave, often on walls of Moonmilk under bands of flint nodules. Particular concentrations of them occur within and to the right of the two facing mammoths 17 and 18 in Chamber G (as mentioned above), on the walls of Chamber G past its junction with Chamber J, and on the left-hand wall several meters into Chamber J.

Comments

The idea of finger flutings may automatically raise the image of Rugolean markings. As with other forms of flutings, however, it is easy and often mistaken to lump all Rugolean flutings together. For instance, the Rugolean lines in Figures 5 and 6 tend not to lie over top of each other in a jumble, whereas most of the flutings in Koonalda Cave, South Australia while they are also probably Rugolean lines form a mesh of overlying and frequently inseparable lines (Maynard and Edwards 1971).

Kirian Form

Definition

Two things define a unit of finger flutings as being of the Kirian Form: the fluter standing in one spot while fluting the unit, and the unit comprising only one line. The people who flute in the Kirian Form stand still and mark with one finger.

The left side of the step-down in the ceiling of Chamber E in Rouffignac Cave typify flutings in the Kirian Form (see Figures 7 and 8).

Figure 7. The right hand half shows Kirian Form flutings in Chamber E.

Figure 8. Further Kirian Form flutings (the verticals) in Chamber E (with horizontal stick scratches).

Further Description

Besides the fluter standing still and using one finger, several attributes of Kirian lines in Chamber E sometimes stand out:

·        They often occur in clusters of six or seven (or 14) semi-parallel lines.

·        Their fluters appear to have retouched some of them or added to them with clay smears and stick scorings.

·        They can include motifs such as spirals, circles, interweaving lattices, and uni-centric arcs (arcs with a common starting point) (not all the lines need be parallel or semi-parallel).

·        They do not appear multi-layered, not lying over top of one another in a jumble.

·        They were probably fluted by adults.

Distribution in Rouffignac Cave

Besides in Chamber E, as mentioned above, clusters of Kirian lines do not frequently appear in Rouffignac Cave.

Comments

Were the Kirian lines in Chamber E made in the Neolithic or in medieval times (Barrière 1982)? This casual suggestion merits elucidation by dating the charcoal deposited in some Kirian lines from the ends of burned sticks scraped over and under them. Further, Kirian and Mirian flutings occur side-by-side in Chamber E (Figures 4, 7, and 8) with little or no apparent difference in weathering and patination.

Discussion

The key distinguishing factors used here to define the Mirian, Evelynian, Rugolean, and Kirian Forms are the fluter’s lower-body movement, and whether her or she used one or multiple fingers. Several matters arise from these definitions and the presence of such lines in Rouffignac Cave:

1.      Forms coexist in some chambers in the cave (for instance, in Chamber E), sometimes intermingling on a room’s wall or ceiling (see Figure 9). One can imagine fluters occasionally using one finger when they usually used more than one in that panel, or not overly concerning themselves about where they marked in a particular form in relation to whatever other marks were present. The coexistence of forms is of little importance if the different forms are seen as primarily leading to different questions that can be asked of them based on their means of manufacture.

Figure 9. Rugolean (on the left) and Mirian Form flutings (on the right) next to each other in Chamber A1, on the left wall at the entrance to the fluted room. One vertical Kirian fluting can be seen in the middle right and another shorter one to the lower right of that.

2.      Thus, the lack of a concentration of Evelynian flutings in Rouffignac Cave (at least the fact that investigations to date have not found one), as opposed to merely their presence in figures or among Mirian lines, need not place a question over the usefulness of the form differentiation as a methodological starting point for investigating the flutings in this cave.

3.      Some features of the flutings are potentially a byproduct of their form; for instance, Mirian flutings can extend longer (several meters) than Rugolean flutings (about 60 centimeters maximum) because the fluter can walk while making the former, but not the latter. Some features are also potentially a byproduct of the local geography of the cave; for example, the Mirian flutings pointed out above in Chamber A1 can extend longer than Kirian flutings in Chamber E (about 25 centimeters) because of the larger space available for fluting.

4.      How can one objectively ascertain the difference between flutings made by a fluter moving her or his lower body and those made by a fluter standing still? It may appear obvious when a unit moves way beyond any stationary person’s reach or with a unit that starts vertically and then moves sideways as the fluter moved. However, other circumstances may be more complex. The issue requires further investigation, but probably it needs the isolation of further indicators that relate to the fluter moving or standing in one spot. One avenue that may prove fruitful is to seek what might be called ‘jogs’ in Mirian lines, where the continuity of the fluting is interrupted when the fluter takes a step while fluting. As another example, certain shapes (for example a circle on a ceiling) require hip, if not leg and feet movement, rather than only movement of the upper body.

5.      Marshack’s and Bednarik’s classifications of flutings are based on temporal if not developmental or evolutionary schemes, but the differences in flutings that they try to explain need not follow this type of relationship. Rather, the differences could result from different means of manufacture: Bednarik’s ‘styles,’ for example, represent the Rougolean Form (his ‘digital fluting’ style) and the Mirian Form (his ‘conventional macaronis’ style). Further, no temporal relationship between the two styles or forms has been convincingly noticed in Rouffignac and hence a strict temporal relationship between the forms cannot be authenticated.

Several questions for further consideration and research remain:

1.      Other forms besides Mirian, Evelynian, Rugolean, and Kirian based on variables of manufacture other than lower-body movement and the number of fingers used may occur, and further investigations may help to isolate them.

2.      Is the means of manufacturing flutings (that is, the form division) more helpful in cataloguing and analyzing them than are consistencies in the resulting appearance? The above-mentioned indicator of fluter age (Sharpe and Van Gelder 2004) may promise an affirmative answer. Perhaps, however, after manufacturing techniques are taken into account, consistent differences in appearance may help make further sense of the flutings; wavy lines within some of the drawn mammoths, for instance, may indicate some further useful differentiation (see Figure 10).

Figure 10. A mammoth with flutings in Chamber G, ‘Frieze of the Five Mammoths’ (Barrière 1982: 33, Figs. 66 and 67).

3.      Further investigations into the factors underlying the forms may yield questions beyond that of the fluter age for further investigation.

4.      Why do different forms exist in concentrations as opposed to there being only one form or always a thorough mixture of forms? Perhaps the forms relate to different cultures or traditions, each advocating a different way to flute cave walls. Or perhaps the different forms relate to different behaviors, or to fluters employing different forms for different purposes or meanings, or in response to different needs. On the other hand, does the physical geography of the room, its position in the cave, or the medium employed more directly relate to the fluting form(s) used in it?

5.      This four-form analysis may at present make sense for Rouffignac Cave, but might it also make sense for other caves, locally in the area of Les Eyzies or further away, within southern France and northern Spain, or further afield? Is it universal? It may or may not shed light on the flutings in other caves and establish a useful platform for understanding the fluting phenomenon in general.

6.      The division of flutings by fluter lower-body movement and the use of one or more fingers may hopefully prove a useful tool for the study of flutings in Rouffignac Cave. This hypothesis may, however, prove more confusing than helpful. Time will tell.

Conclusions

Referring to the points raised above concerning the methodological relevance of the analysis of flutings into four forms, this paper has:

(a)    described each of the four forms (Mirian, Evelynian, Rugolean, and Kirian) and differentiated them one from another;

(b)   pointed to the existence in Rouffignac Cave of lines satisfying the four descriptions;

(c)    raised research questions from the form analysis for investigation; and

(d)   pointed to information about the fluters that the analysis might provide.

The paper, therefore, probably establishes the existence of different forms of finger flutings in Rouffignac Cave, and that this differentiation has merit as a means of categorizing flutings at least it provides a starting point for mining data regarding the fluters. This steps toward understanding the phenomenon of finger fluting.

Research now needs to turn to:

·        studying flutings of each form in more detail;

·        comparing clusters of the same form in detail;

·        seeking relationships between clusters of different forms;

·        pursuing further what each of the two variables that define the forms might say about the fluters; and

·        investigating flutings in caves other than Rouffignac.

Perhaps this form analysis and knowledge of the fluters that comes from it may even help crack the issue of fluter intentionality.

Acknowledgements

Thanks are due to those who have helped support this research:

·        Jean and Marie-Odile Plassard, for their support and for permission to work in Rouffignac Cave.

·        The guides while in the cave: Séverine Desbordes, Frédéric Goursolle, and Frédéric Plassard.

·        Union Institute & University, for financial support through its faculty research grants.

·        Robert Bednarik, Jean Clottes, Francesco d’Errico, Sandor Gallus (now deceased), Michel Lorblanchet, Alexander Marshack (now deceased), and Hallam Movius Jr. (now deceased) for discussions and support over many years.

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